PM’s team thought Streeting had bottled it — then he made his move
On Tuesday evening outside the Red Lion, one of Westminster’s preferred drinking spots in the shadow of parliament, the road became the political equivalent of a demilitarised zone.
On one side of a metal fence erected for the King’s Speech stood the loyalists, government advisers and MPs who will back the prime minister to the bitter end. On the other side stood the plotters, allies of Wes Streeting, the health secretary, who believe it is over for Starmer.
After a day in which the prime minister appeared to have shored up his authority — effectively telling Streeting to put up or shut up in cabinet — the Starmer supporters were jubilant.
Wes Streeting resigns as health secretary — follow live
Streeting, they said, had “bottled it”. At one point a member of their group openly heckled a rival on the other side of the road as journalists flitted between the two camps. An image of Streeting’s head imposed on the side of a bottle of Newcastle Brown Ale with the words “Bottler Brown, zero strength” was gleefully shared by the loyalists on WhatsApp groups.
For Team Streeting it all smacked of complacency. “It’s not as over as they think,” one of those organising for the health secretary said.
At 8.31am on Wednesday Streeting arrived in Downing Street for his long-awaited meeting with Starmer. In advance there had been two very different versions of events. The Times had been told that Streeting intended to confront Starmer over the turmoil engulfing his premiership and ask him: “How are you going to get out of this mess?” He was also weighing up whether to follow three other cabinet ministers — Shabana Mahmood, the home secretary, Yvette Cooper, the foreign secretary, and Ed Miliband, the energy secretary — in calling for the prime minister to set out a timetable for his departure.
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By contrast, Starmer’s allies said it was just “two men having a coffee” and suggested that Streeting was on the brink of a climbdown.
That analysis was wrong. Streeting’s meeting with Starmer was so brief — about 12 minutes, give or take the time it took him to get to and from the prime minister’s office — that there was barely time for coffee. Aides were asked to clear the room so the two men could talk freely.
When Streeting left No 10 he gave nothing away, but behind the scenes events were moving fast. He had been telling allies that he intended to resign on Thursday and trigger a leadership contest. That he had concluded that Labour was heading for electoral oblivion under Starmer and decided that it was time to act.
“He’s going to go for it,” was how one ally put it after speaking to him. Discussions were under way to prepare for MPs to sign Streeting’s nomination papers. A string of his ministerial allies, government aides and backbenchers had resigned. A plan which had been under way for months was about to explode into public view.
The health secretary decided to go over the top in part because he felt he owed it to his people. He was acutely aware of Labour’s history of botched coups — of David Miliband, of Roy Jenkins. Inaction is a choice in and of itself.
He had intended to keep his plans under wraps for fear of overshadowing the King’s Speech. Buckingham Palace had already expressed concerns about the turmoil surrounding Starmer’s leadership and emphasised the importance of the King being seen as an impartial figure. Streeting did not want to add to that.
However, at 11.10am, as the King was making his way to parliament to deliver his speech, Streeting’s cover was blown. The Times published details of his private conversations with allies, triggering a wave of vicious briefings and counter-briefings.
The race to gather the 81 MPs needed to trigger a leadership contest was very much on, and from there on in it became increasingly awkward for Streeting as he became the focus of the state opening of parliament.
Streeting had been due to visit a hospital with the prime minister on Thursday to mark the release of new NHS statistics, where he would speak to journalists. But on Wednesday afternoon the visit was cancelled.
In the Commons, Streeting sat on the front bench, where he made easy pickings for Kemi Badenoch, the Tory leader. She began by quoting the musical Hamilton, telling the prime minister that “winning is easy, governing is harder”. She said that as much as Labour MPs want to “lead our country, they can’t even lead a coup”.
Turning to Streeting directly she said he had looked “a bit distracted lately”. When he shouted back, she replied: “There’s no point in him giving me dirty looks. We all know what he’s been up to.” Steve Reed, a Starmer loyalist, smiled as Badenoch told Streeting, who was heckling, to “do your job”.
The jibes continued as she ran through the roll call of leadership contenders. She said Angela Rayner, the former deputy prime minister, had “given up vaping but still hasn’t paid her taxes”. Andy Burnham, the mayor of Greater Manchester, was a “self-proclaimed winner who has twice failed to win the Labour leadership”.
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Starmer deployed some gallows humour, highlighting the long list of endorsements on a colleague’s book. “Her list of endorsements is truly impressive, reaching well over 100 members,” he said. “At last, a list we could all get behind.” Streeting raised his eyebrows and chuckled.
While Streeting was in the chamber, his “shadow team” were winning round ministers and backbenchers in an attempt to secure endorsements. Streeting has been building the team — which includes ministers, advisers and at least one former No 10 aide — for months.
Streeting himself made some phone calls, ringing those who had informally pledged their support. “He wanted to check we were definitely on board and would sign the nomination papers,” one MP said. Another insider said emphatically: “It is on.”
Does Streeting have the numbers? No 10 still believes he does not, and there is evidence to suggest that it may be right.
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Of the 92 MPs who have publicly gone over the top and called for Starmer’s resignation there are 38 who are moderates and could potentially back Streeting. There are many more potential supporters within the government ranks, but therein lies the rub: they are on the payroll and would have to resign.
The Streeting calculation is that by resigning on Thursday morning and launching his leadership campaign he will be able to gather unstoppable momentum. There will be a wave of resignations from ministerial ranks and the numbers calling for Starmer to go will reach the point of no return, all but guaranteeing the support he needs.
The prime minister has made clear to colleagues that he will fight. He spent Wednesday afternoon meeting wave after wave of ministers and MPs in his Commons office in an effort to shore up his support. Loyal cabinet ministers including Rachel Reeves, the chancellor, have been working the tearooms urging colleagues not to “plunge the party into chaos”.
Starmer’s message to ministers was blunt, according to two of those present. They said Starmer had warned that Streeting would “destroy our party and our country” — a claim denied by No 10. “We can’t let a leadership contest plunge us into chaos,” the prime minister said. “A challenge would 100 per cent do that.”
It did not go entirely to plan. At one meeting Josh MacAlister, an education minister who is seen as one of Streeting’s closest allies, confronted the prime minister in front of colleagues and urged him to set out a timeline for his departure. MacAlister told Starmer: “You need to take control of the situation and set out a timetable.” Others were also said to have directly told the prime minister that his agenda was not bold enough. Starmer was said to be furious.
The soft left is struggling to coalesce around a rival candidate. Burnham is said to be preparing to announce his path back to Westminster once Streeting goes over the top.
Afzal Khan, the Labour MP for Manchester Rusholme, is weighing up whether to stand down so Burnham can run for his seat in a by-election. Burnham’s allies are urging the national executive committee (NEC), Labour’s ruling body, to delay any leadership contest so he has a chance of returning to Westminster.
However, there are significant barriers in his way. First, Starmer is likely to use his majority on the NEC to block any attempt by Burnham to stand in a by-election. Second, winning a by-election is far from guaranteed given that Labour was decimated in Manchester in last week’s local elections. Third, delaying any contest until the autumn would precipitate months of bitter in-fighting in the middle of a cost of living crisis.
Senior figures in the soft left are increasingly turning to Ed Miliband, the former Labour leader, as their preferred candidate. There are concerns that Rayner would be a “complete liability”.
Streeting’s move infuriated MPs on the left. One said: “I just hope there are enough people with sense to realise Wes is [Morgan] McSweeney and [Lord] Mandelson’s boy to be put off.”
Streeting knows full well that a leadership campaign will open him up to intense scrutiny, not least questions about his previous full-throated protestations of loyalty to Starmer.
Just six months ago, Streeting was asked if he would rule out demanding Starmer’s resignation. He replied: “Yes, and nor did I shoot JFK. I don’t know where Lord Lucan is, had nothing to do with Shergar, and I do think that the US did manage to do the moon landings. I don’t think they were fake.”